Written by Tasmia Khan: May 4, 2005
The Ganapati temple is located in Flushing New York, and by some calculations is the first Hindu temple to have been established in North America. It has several facilities for its members, including a community center which I had visited prior to my fieldwork there. At the time I had been unaware of the center’s affiliation with temple. Upon beginning my research I realized this affiliation and also made additional discoveries about the temple’s facilities. The discoveries I made have shaped the focus of this paper. As part of the community center there is a wedding hall, and elsewhere in the compound one finds a temple canteen, a patsala(school), and lodgings for priests. I slowly began to visualize the community that this temple catered to. More importantly, I realized the extent to which interaction took place between the worshipers and the temple itself. Through my work with the site I discovered the many levels on which people of all backgrounds and ages could become involved–levels that extended beyond worship. These opportunities are a result of the temple’s infrastructure and they point to the creation of a community. My paper will investigate the nature of this community. It will examine the ways individuals are allowed to participate in both religious and non-religious spheres. It will also explore the motivation that drives individuals to be a part of this community, and in turn, how these people are able to reinforce their identity as American-Indian Hindus through their involvement.
History of the Temple
Unless one is driving, getting to the Ganapati temple can be quite a trip. The #7 train takes its passengers to the last stop in Main Street located in northern Queens. The area is predominantly Korean and is a bright bustling avenue of colorful awnings, pastry shops, and ethnic stores. Buses lurch forward and make sharp turns in every direction, and the Q27 has Holly and Bowne as one its destinations–the intersection nearest to the temple. The bus drives away from the colorful and noisy Korean neighborhood into a quieter residential area. Once arriving at the appropriate bus stop, three words greet us from across the street–‘Sri Balaji Grocery’. Printed in bold white letters on a green awning, these words usher us into the new community that has been established here for twenty-eight years. The Sri Maha Vallabha Ganapati Devasthanam was established by the Hindu Temple Society of North America, a non-profit organization that aimed to construct temples in New York and other states. The project was directed by Dr. Alagappa Alagappan (also the founder of the HTSNA), who had been divinely instructed to make a home for Lord Ganesha abroad (Eck 121).
Flushing was chosen as the location for three reasons. Firstly, it was considered to be a gateway for Indian Hindus because of the pluralism that existed there. Secondly, transportation made travel to the temple accessible, and finally there was available land that could be purchased (Hanson 75). This land was in fact a small frame house that had been used as a Russian Orthodox Church. On July 4, 1977 the temple was established. Seven years later it was officially consecrated and transformed into what we see today. Black gates enclose the temple, and within, its beautiful grey architecture seems to reach into the sky. A gilded Ganesha poses on one wall while another sits nestled in flowers atop the right wall. Bright red doors invite worshipers to step into the main prayer room while signs on either sides of the temple direct visitors to the patsala and canteen. For many the traditional architecture and bright colors in the midst of a residential block can be a wonderfully overwhelming experience. For others, it is a second home.
Functions of the Temple
Today the temple operates under the leadership of Dr. Uma Mysorekar and has an incredibly large membership. Exact calculations are not easy to make, since membership is not defined as such, but the temple’s mailing list extends well into the thousands. It is interesting to note that several other houses of religious worship are located nearby. There is a Jewish community center, a Sikh gurdwara, a Muslim mosque, and a Chinese church (Hanson 79). From most of these examples we see that religion is clearly an important component of the diasporic identity. Immigrants arrive in new destinations and bring both their culture and religion with them. In the diaspora, they attempt to reconstruct both. The process is a fascinating one because the end result is a hybrid of their ‘roots’ as they remember them and their current lifestyle as they realize it. Traditions are social memories that must be revived and transported into the new diasporic home (Connerton 4). Indian Hindus feel a “continuing bond with the mother country,” yet they also acknowledge this mother as “too slow to nurture the ambition and skills” for many of its children (Joanne Punzo Waghorne, “The Hindu Gods in a Split-Level World,” in Orsi 105). Thus we see the driving force behind immigration.
Once immigrants arrive in the diaspora, they still retain many of their customary ways such as language, diet, family values, etc. However, the culture that they then breed is not identical to the one they have left behind in the homeland. India becomes an “ideological motherland” (Waghorne in Orsi 111) and stands as a source of ideas that tend to lose shape as they are being imported to the diaspora. Identical recreation is not possible; rather, the old is assimilated to the new. In this case, traditional Indian Hindu values are incorporated into American lifestyles, giving form to a diasporic identity. We see this, for example, in the construction of temples in North America. Temples here are constructed according to ancient prescriptions, but most have more enclosed spaces than their counterparts in South India because of the climate (Waghorne 116). This is just one example that illustrates the alterations made to Indian Hindu life as it becomes Americanized.
Social memory and ‘Americanization’ travel hand in hand in many facets of ritual at the Ganapati temple. Along the lines predicted by Orsi, traditional Hindu prayers in North America become more and more congregational in style. But both elements are there—the old and the new. The temple is an institution that speaks to first and second generation Indian Hindus on both levels of their dual nature–both the Indian and American parts of their identity. Everyone here is a part of the New York community, where they co-exist with people who come from other backgrounds, speak English at work and schools, and carry on daily activities as most Americans do. At the temple, worshipers are recognized as Americans who live in New York, but they are also embraced as Indian Hindus.
The temple is first and foremost a house of worship. Its primary function is to provide a space in which Hindus can express their religion. As we walk into the main prayer room we encounter deities such as Lakshmi, Krishna, Saraswati, and of course Ganesha, among others. The style in which the deities are dressed reveals that the temple caters to a community comprised largely of South Indians. Ornate walls depict religious scenes such as the dance of Shiva and Krishna teaching Arjuna the Gita. The smell of agarbatti incense fills the room, as verses of Sanskrit are offered to the deities by the pandits and other worshipers. As I said in my field notes,
It seems as if the walls of temple are blocking out the rest of world, and a little slice of India has been transported to New York. Sitting here, it is hard to imagine that the subway, the Korean neighborhood, and bodegas are right outside. The bells to wake the deities are repeatedly rung, and the smell is so exotic. It is almost as if this is an entirely different world, and I do not feel out of place at all because I am also of South Asian descent even though I am not Hindu. (March 19, 2005)
My experience of ‘feeling at home’ inside the walls of the temple is a sentiment shared by most of the worshipers there. This has been revealed to me by various interviews that I have conducted. One individual I spoke to during a subsequent trip shared her feelings with me. This woman, whom we will call Vibha Vasudevan, said:
I come here to pray to Lord Ganesh because he is very important figure in the religion. He opens all the doors. He has opened the door of America for me, so I come here to thank him and to pay my respects. He reminds me of my home and my parents.”
Another woman from a Caribbean background, whom we will call Henna, said, “One night when I saw a service taking place for Satyanarayan puja, it reminded me of back home because that is what I used to do with my father. Ever since then I have been coming here.”
Both these women have used the word ‘home’ in what they had to say. The temple serves a gateway to what they have left behind. Their visits here extend past the religious, answering to a general loss they experienced when they made the decision to immigrate. Their identities as South Asian and in some cases Guyanese or Trinidadian individuals are reinstated during their visits here. The facilities of the temple help to achieve this. Involvement with the Ganapati temple can begin on many different levels, and each opportunity represents itself as a way for individuals to experience self-growth as it helps to reinforce their identity.
Involvement with the Ganapati Temple
Having the opportunity to speak with Dr. Uma Mysorekar at the temple canteen during one of my trips greatly helped my understanding of the members’ involvement in the temple community. Dr. Mysorekar had been a participant at the temple for many years before assuming the role of president. She has overseen many of the temple’s endeavors to make religious observance an integral component in the life of Hindu immigrants. Such endeavors include locating artisans to participate in the construction of many other temples, the publication of newsletters, and fund-raising for relief efforts in India. As she said,
Involvement can start out any way. One comes here to seek what they are longing for and they wish to be among people who believe the way they do. Ultimately their interactions here bring out their character. And involvement can be on one level or many.
It is certainly true that involvement can take places on several levels, given the many opportunities the temple offers. A brief tour of the temple on any given Saturday will reveal the various activities taking place at the same time. On several occasions I observed a Bharat Natyam dance session taking place in the basement, taught by an instructor who teaches professionally. The patsala that is located to the left of the temple building offers various classes offering instruction in Sanskrit, yoga, and SAT prep. In addition, the community center puts on programs such as spring showcases, dramas and concerts. Some of these events are non-religious in nature. The temple canteen is a busy place during weekends, when families come for large portions of the day and wish to have lunch or snacks while they are there. Volunteers help to man the stations and help with running the food services.
I had the opportunity to meet two individuals who have participated in the life of the temple for over ten years. One of the individuals is Henna, who has already been briefly mentioned. She was eating dosas near the food station with a friend when I interviewed her. Motioning towards her friend, she mentioned that both of them had begun their life in the temple as volunteers in the canteen, but their involvement and ties to the temple slowly grew. When asked how they were drawn into participating more, they described the temple as having a strong power that pulls the individual. The idea of a strong power or force was a fascinating point of view that I wished to explore further. Kishan Bhatia, a worker at the gift shop says:
This community brings all people together – unity is diversity. When we gather we forget about differences. In Hinduism people are tolerant. God is one and the deities just represent different aspects of the universal God. The temple is an embellishment of the soul and the body.
Bhatia mentions several interesting points. He clearly refers to the existence of a diverse community made up of the members who attend the temple. And this community, although comprised mostly of South Indians, also includes people of other backgrounds–Henna is one such example. Bhatia depicts this diversity as an arena for the tolerance to be found in Hinduism. It must be noted, however, that in India, where regional temples vary from one another, and where Hindus of various backgrounds do not co-exist as they do here in America, the tolerance is of a different nature. Diana Eck speaks of an emerging American Hinduism, the likes of which Bhatia describes. Here the religion must accommodate the needs of many individuals who hail from different regions and even ethnicities. The Ganapati Temple’s ability to offer religious worship in a form that is accessible to different groups of people is one the reasons why it boasts such a very large membership. Dr Mysorekar also mentioned this:
People come to interact and they seek for themselves what they are longing for. Your involvement can be on one level, or it can be on many levels. Ultimately it brings out your character. You want to be among people who believe the way you do. These days you cannot be close knit. You need to reach out.
This is where the magnetism of the temple lies. The ‘power’ that draws people into the temple, no matter what level they wish to participate on, is a collective force stemming from the various facilities the temple offers as well as the inviting welcome that emanates from the building. The temple attempts to extend the invitation to participate in as many ways as it can. It publishes a magazine called the Ganesanjali that is delivered to members’ homes. In addition calendars highlighting temple events are also printed and distributed. The many classes and events the temple sponsors create a way for people to interact within the Flushing community that they have become a part of. One man I had the chance to speak to, whom we will call Mr. Murthy, said:
A lot of the times we have immigrants who leave behind a family, a job, involvement with their own neighborhood community or a life of politics. They come here and because of lack of opportunity they cannot be involved. They don’t have a voice anymore so when they come to the temple and they see there are a lot of ways to meet new families and friends. There are ways to make their voices heard. We can have a life here instead of just working. Its like recreation, almost.
We have already discussed the atmosphere of the temple that helps its worshipers to stay connected to their roots. Coming here allows them to be around people who share similar beliefs. They can wear traditional garb and eat authentic food. It is clear that the Indian part of their dual identity is reinstated. The words of Mr. Murthy confirm that the American part of their identity can also be acknowledged throughout their temple participation. As he says, their involvement gives them a voice, allowing them to be an important component of an American Indian community.
Preservation of Culture
The culture that Indian Hindus living in New York allude to is one that they have recreated. The traditions they remember, when mixed with the lifestyle they have come to embrace as immigrants, form the emerging Hindu culture they have come to celebrate. The ‘maintenance’ of this culture is sometimes difficult. One temple worshiper, Gita Sen, says:
Sometimes it is easy to just accept what is in front of you. You see all these things around you, and it is hard to live the same kind of life you did back in India. And sometimes unknowingly you are giving up things that mean something great to you, and losing them because that part of your life is being taken up by something America is putting in you.
For many the temple serves as a way to prevent cultural loss. The members’ ability to come here and feel ‘at home’ is a source of strength against difficult encounters with assimilation. Most important in this regard are the resources the temple provides for Hindu youth, a group who are seen as at the greatest risk of losing cultural–and by extension religious–ties. This concern is not baseless. Those who had the opportunity to grow up in India spent their formative years understanding and living in a way that is not possible to recreate here. Children who immigrate at an early age or are born here find themselves unable to relate to a country that is so far away and different from the norms in their immediate surroundings. For their parents, this is a great loss, creating a generational gap that is immensely difficult to repair. But for many, the Ganapati temple serves as a gateway through which adolescents can reunite with their heritage and actually ‘live it’. Varsha Parameswaran , a senior in high school, reports:
I remember coming to this temple when I was really young. In school I acted the way everyone else did. And at home I was Indian but I would still speak to my parents in English, watch TV, eat American food. But spending the weekends at the temple was different. Here it was important to remember what makes us who we are, and it wasn’t just about how to act. When we had to pray I remember that I had to be serious, and at the same time this was a part of my life that I could only share with my family. And now that I am older I realize it is a good thing to be serious about this because in my life religion cannot be substituted with anything else. And I still come with my family and when we come here this bond that has formed between us and with the temple comes out. It’s like we pray here but we communicate with each other too.
Many parents find great comfort and reassurance in bringing their children to the Ganapati temple. They firmly believe that youth involvement within the various activities is beneficial for the development of their child’s consciousness. Since their children spend most of their time in school and other places where they are seen as Americans, parents look forward to the time when they have the opportunity to reconnect with their heritage. A youth group is a great resource for adolescents aged fourteen to early twenties.
The Ganapati temple’s youth group was established in 1996 with two primary intentions–to promote Hindu culture and provide a forum through which the youth can learn and discuss their heritage. The youth group sponsors a broad range of activities, such as Independence Day shows, blood drives, interfaith camps, and spiritual retreats. Their meetings generally consist of discussions on topics such as symbolism in Hinduism, Sanatana Dharma, and the diasporic life of the Hindu youth. As I observed in my field notes,
Several members of the youth group sat at the temple canteen waiting for their meeting to begin. Some of them were volunteering at the food station. There was a lot of joking, from those who were waiting as well as those who were working, and it is obvious that most of these people have developed personal friendships with each other. (March 30, 2005)
The light-hearted jokes and amiable conversations from the small group of adolescents are the appeal that the youth group holds. Along with their passion for learning about Hinduism, the temple youth exhibit a sincere dedication to the youth organization and to each other as fellow members. As a result of their participation, the bonds of this community are strengthened and the threat of cultural loss is less imminent. Dr. Mysorekar commented on their commitment and acknowledged their incorporation of Hindu values in many of their endeavors. Another individual, who wished to remain anonymous, put it as follows: “The children are able to speak in the same language of their parents.” This holds a twofold meaning: the children can communicate with their parents in the same tongue and they can also share a level of understanding with them.
An Identity
The community that has formed at the Ganapati temple is very visible. This community is the result of the temple’s infrastructure. Hindus from various backgrounds come to seek what they are longing for, and can participate in whatever ways they desire, even if it is just volunteer work or weekend prayers. Most importantly, the temple contributes to their identities as immigrants living in a new world. Naisa Thaker, a college student and a previous youth group coordinator, commented:
Here people see us as Indians. In India, people see us as Americans. It is hard to pinpoint where one part of our identity ends and the other begins. At the temple we are neither and we are both. Identity here is reconstructed because we have to hold on to what we have but then again, assimilation is not an option – its an obligation. And its also important not to fall into the mainstream. Definition is a must.
At the Ganapati temple, immigrants can seek definition on several levels, for as Diana Eck says, “Hindu temples are evolving dozens of new forms to meet the challenges of a new society” (Eck 136). The temple is no longer just a place of worship, it is a place that enables communal gathering where immigrants can congregate to embrace a “new emergent form of Hinduism” (Eck 137). Within the walls of the temple, the way these individuals are perceived is very different from how they are viewed outside of them. As Naisa Thaker has said, the temple allows them to be who they are – individuals with a dual identity. They are individuals with Hindu traditions in an American context (Eck 137).
The Ganapati Temple’s ability to speak to both components of this dual identity is a major factor in its popularity. As one of the most prominent temples in New York as well as in North America, it continues to grow to this day. Dr. Mysorekar’s desire to reach out is becoming a reality as programs are being expanded and membership is increasing. Being able to cater to various needs and offering worship that is accessible to people of many backgrounds are great successes. The temple has found a voice through its membership, and in turn the Hindus who pay respect to the deities within its walls have found a second home where they are acknowledged as they really are.
Bibliography
Connerton, Paul. How Societies Remember. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989
Eck, Diana L. A New Religious America. San Francisco: HarperCollins, 2001
Hanson, Scott R. City of Gods: Religious Freedom, Immigration, and Pluralism in Flushing Queens. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 2002
Orsi, Robert A. ed., Gods of the City. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1999